NIKKEI ASIAN REVIEW
Vietnam must act fast to avoid getting Trumped
Hanoi should speed up economic reforms to counter impact of
global trade conflict
William Pesek
Any search for sunshine in this gloomy moment for the global economy
should turn to Vietnam.
The Southeast Asian nation boasts one of the
fastest economic growth rates anywhere, a swelling and optimistic
population and political stability. Big investments
by
multinationals from Samsung Electronics to Nestle are morphing Vietnam
into a manufacturing powerhouse and raising living standards. In May, a
sovereign upgrade from Fitch Ratings put the nation just two notches
short of investment grade.
Yet all the forward momentum in the world is no match for Donald Trump's
debilitating trade war.
Can a small, open and export-led Asian economy survive the U.S.
president's assault on global commerce and the retaliatory hits from
China? Add in the U.S. Federal Reserve's monetary tightening cycle and
investors have every reason to suspect Hanoi's 6.8% gross domestic
product growth in the second quarter may prove fleeting.
Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc recently ordered his ministries to
redouble market surveillance and craft plans to minimize any fallout.
Yet Trump's tariffs are only the most obvious of threats to social and
economic stability in Southeast Asia's sixth-biggest economy. Two
others: anger over Chinese encroachment and a harsh crackdown on
cyberspace.
Trump's levies are terribly timed for Phuc's export-reliant economy.
While enviable by global standards, Vietnam's second-quarter pace marked
a notable downshift from 7.5% in the previous three months. Behind the
slowdown are reduced state investments and a slide in mining output. The
trajectory of the all-important export sector is now very much in doubt.
Overseas shipments rose 16% from a year earlier between January and
June. Big declines could be forthcoming as Trump's levies on steel and
aluminum -- 25% and 10%, respectively -- boost materials costs and slam
trading partners. Like most Asian peers, Vietnam counts on China,
Trump's main target, as its No. 1 export destination.
South Korea, Vietnam's second most important export market, also is in
harm's way. In the October-December quarter, growth there contracted for
the first time in nine years. More recently, export growth came to a
halt in June, dropping 0.1% following a 13.2% gain in May. The headwinds
bearing down on Korea are a problem for another reason: it is Vietnam's
biggest long-term investor.
Samsung, LG Electronics and other Korea Inc. giants are pouring tens of
billions of dollars into Vietnam to diversify away from China's rising
labor costs. Samsung alone has invested more than $17 billion there in
eight factories that churn out the bulk of its smartphones. In 2017,
Samsung shipped some $54 billion of goods from Vietnam, a figure
equivalent to 28% of gross domestic product. As Washington's trade war
hits Korea Inc. and Seoul's top-line growth, investment flows on which
Hanoi relies could grow scarce.
An argument can be made that Trump's tariffs could end up advantaging
Vietnam in counterintuitive ways. Even before Washington announced
tariffs, European, Japanese and Korean executives sought a Plan B as
Chinese costs rise. The uncertainty and volatility plaguing China's
outlook could accelerate a shift of production bases out of China into
Southeast Asia's more stable and, in many cases, more competitive cost
environment.
That makes it more vital than ever for Phuc's team to accelerate
structural reforms: strengthening financial institutions; replacing
jaundiced state-owned enterprises with a vibrant private sector; curbing
shadow banks; liberalizing the capital account; increasing transparency;
and reducing graft. It also means investing more in human capital to
build on Vietnam's nascent startup boom.
Roughly 25% of Vietnam's 92 million people are under 15. The trick is
cultivating the entrepreneurial spirit coursing through the nation.
Doing so is vital to accelerating gains in living standards. Average GDP
growth of 6.3% over the last 12 years raised annual per capita income to
$2,385 -- a more than six-fold gain from 2000.
That leaves Vietnam a long way off from China's $9,000 level. We also
are some ways from knowing whether Vietnam can beat the middle-income
trap that often ensnares nations around the $10,000 mark. To preserve
those gains and reduce inequality, Phuc's government must alter the
basic dynamics of growth. One obvious target: reducing the reliance on
monetary easing. Today's 4.7% inflation rate, relative to the 4% level
preferred by Hanoi policymakers, limits easing options. Any move to cut
the 6.25% refinancing rate would add to overheating risks.
Upgrading the economy, and relying more on fiscal tweaks, would generate
more organic and balanced growth. Vietnam too often veers from extreme
optimism to extreme pessimism, and back. Today's story, of course, is
the latter as Vietnam rivals China's growth rate. The risk, though, is
that Trump's trade war suddenly sends the pendulum in the other
direction.
China is a growing concern on another front: proposed special economic
zones offering 99-year leases. Fears Chinese investors will win most of
the leases are provoking sizable demonstrations, some numbering in the
thousands. The government, says Melinda Hoe of Eurasia Group, must
"carefully manage dissent to avoid a repeat of the May 2014 anti-China
protests that marred Vietnam's image as a safe investment destination."
The same goes for public anger over a social-media inquisition. In
recent weeks, Hanoi began forcing Google, Facebook and other digital
companies to choose between privacy or growth. A reasonable balance,
perhaps. Yet a cybersecurity law approved last month compels Silicon
Valley to store local data in the country. Activists worry that will
compromise communications.
The law also goes much further to limit internet speech. Its vague
language concerning dissent has Amnesty International decrying a
"devastating blow" to freedom of expression. The state also can compel
tech companies to turn over vast reams of personal data on users.
Industry group Asia Internet Coalition warns the legislation will impede
Hanoi's ambitions for GDP and regional competitiveness. That runs
counter to Hanoi's stated desire to foster greater innovation. Reduced
transparency, meantime, will protect provincial governments and
misbehaving companies from the public scrutiny needed to boost national
competitiveness.
The good news is that Vietnam is enjoying a level of momentum few
economies can match. The bad news: in the Trump era, Hanoi has its work
cut out to keep the economy on the road toward greater riches.
William Pesek is an award-winning Tokyo-based journalist and author of
"Japanization: What the World Can Learn from Japan's Lost Decades." He
was given the 2018 prize for excellence in opinion writing by the
Society of Publishers in Asia, for his work for the Nikkei Asian Review. |